我没太看到太傻里面有关于政治学的资料

在这里开一个新贴，把资料和大家分享一下

希望大家喜欢

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Index

#2: Driving Democracy: Do power-sharing institutions work?

#3: Radical Right: Voters and Parties in the regulated market

#4: Sacred and Secular：Religion and Politics Worldwide

#5: Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political behavior

#6: Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change

#7: Democratic Phoenix: Reinventing Political Activism

[ 本帖最后由 wengxiaocn 于 2006-9-24 19:57 编辑 ]

Understanding the contrasts between the world’s most and least democratic states is one of the most fundamental challenges facing the social sciences and the international community. Over the past century the number of people living in democracies with competitive multiparty elections and universal suffrage has increased dramatically. Yet this advance has proved uneven and strictly limited; autocracies stubbornly persist along with many poorly consolidated electoral democracies.  According to the annual index maintained by Freedom House, the world has experienced substantial gains in political rights and civil liberties since the early-1990s, but also many losses. What explains these contrasts? And what can be done to strengthen democratic governance?

After two decades, like complex series of natural scientific experiments, the third-wave of democratization presents major opportunities to understand this phenomenon. We can start to analyze what institutional factors, if any, are shared by the leading nations which have overcome obstacles to strengthening political rights and civil liberties, especially in low or moderate income societies, exemplified by India, South Africa, Benin, Slovenia, and Uruguay, which seem to provide inhospitable conditions for progress.  Laggard nations which have failed to consolidate transitions, and which have slipped backwards, such as Zimbabwe, Russia, and Pakistan, are equally important objects of study. So are residual authoritarian states such as Burma, Haiti, Saudi Arabia, Togo, and Uzbekistan, which have seemed inurned to developments, even when democratic forces have transformed the political system in some neighboring countries.

This book seeks to expand our theoretical understanding of the underlying factors contributing towards the process of democratization. It aims to provide a systematic evaluation of ‘what works’ for the promotion of democracy, including constitutional strategies which could be adopted both by dissident forces and by democratic movements working to reform authoritarian states, as well as by international agencies and non-profit foundations promoting political right and civil liberties. The book focuses upon evaluating the institutional arrangements which have been used in both power-sharing and power-concentrating political systems, and understanding the interaction of these with socioeconomic  development and cultural changes which have been used to explain the leaders and laggards in the democratization process.   

Part I establishes the theoretical framework, discusses the normative and empirical issues of measurement and data sources, and describes the general trends emerging from the analysis. The results will concentrate upon the dynamics of change and the most remarkable leaders and laggard case studies found in specific regions, including in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, Post-Communist Europe, Asia, and Latin America. Cross-sectional time-series analysis is used for the large N comparisons, supplemented by paired qualitative case-studies. Building upon this foundation, Part II examines the role of rules represented by ‘top-down’ political institutions, including the design of the electoral and party system, federalism, presidential executives, and the mass media. Part III considers the role of political culture, and how new constitutions  were chosen in the selected cases of Iraq and Afghanistan. The conclusions summarizes the lessons for ‘what works’ and the pros and cons of alternative constitutional strategies for both domestic and international policymakers concerned with strengthening the quality of democratic governance.


Driving Democracy is designed for anyone interested in international development, comparative politics, political behavior and institutions, electoral studies and voting behavior, political parties, public opinion, political sociology, political psychology, sociology, and democratization.

Index

PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DEMOCRATIZATION

Chapter 1: What drives democracy?

Chapter 2: Evidence

Chapter 3: Democratic indicators

Chapter 4: Wealth and democracy

PART II: THE IMPACT OF POWER-SHARING INSTITUTIONS

Chapter 5:  Electoral systems

Chapter 6:  Presidential and parliamentary executives

Endnotes

Select bibliography

[ 本帖最后由 wengxiaocn 于 2006-9-24 18:46 编辑 ]

During recent decades, radical right parties have been surging in popularity in many nations, gaining legislative seats, enjoying the legitimacy endowed by ministerial office, and entering the corridors of government power. The popularity of leaders such as Le Pen, Haider, and Fortuyn has aroused widespread popular concern and a burgeoning scholarly literature. Despite the interest, little consensus has emerged about the primary factors driving this phenomenon. The core puzzle is to explain why radical right parties have advanced in a diverse array of democracies – such as in Austria, Canada, Norway, France, Italy, New Zealand, Switzerland, Israel, Romania, Russia, and Chile - while failing to make comparable gains in similar societies elsewhere, including in Sweden, Britain, and the United States.


To understand this phenomenon, the book sees party competition as a regulated electoral marketplace, where the rules shape both electoral ‘demand’ and party ‘supply’. On the demand-side, Radical Right suggests that the growth of political disaffection and partisan dealignment in contemporary democracies make it easier for supporters to defect, at least temporarily, from mainstream parties. The rising salience of cultural protectionism, in a backlash against globalization and population migration, has altered public opinion, providing sporadic openings for new parties. But these developments are common across contemporary societies so they are insufficient by themselves to account for the varying fortunes of the radical right. We need to understand how ‘demand’ interacts with ‘supply’, namely how parties respond to the electorate when crafting their values and building their campaign organizations, within the constraints set by the broader institutional rules.


This book expands our understanding of support for radical right parties through presenting an integrated new theory which is then tested systematically using a wealth of cross-national survey evidence covering almost forty countries, facilitating a broader perspective than ever before.


Radical Right is designed for anyone interested in electoral studies and voting behavior, comparative politics, political behavior and institutions, political parties, public opinion, political sociology, political psychology, sociology, and European politics.

Contents

Preface and Acknowledgments

PART I: UNDERSTANDING THE RADICAL RIGHT

1.  Understanding the rise of the radical right         

2. Classifying the radical right         

3. Comparing parties  

PART II: STRUCTURE

4. Ballot access and campaign finance        

5. Electoral systems

6. The 'new cleavage' thesis:  the social basis of support         
           
PART III: AGENCY

7. 'None of the above':  the politics of resentment        

8. 'Us and Them': Immigration & xenophobia        

9. Location, location, location: Ideology, leaders, and followers        

PART IV: CONCLUSIONS

10. The impact on party competition

11. Assessing the rise of the radical right and its consequences        

Notes

Select Bibliography

[ 本帖最后由 wengxiaocn 于 2006-9-24 18:56 编辑 ]

Seminal thinkers of the nineteenth century -- Auguste Comte, Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Karl Marx, and Sigmund Freud -- all predicted that religion would gradually fade in importance and cease to be significant with the emergence of industrial society. The belief that religion was dying became the conventional wisdom in the social sciences during most of the twentieth century.

During the last decade, however, the secularization thesis has experienced the most sustained challenge in its long history. Critics point to multiple indicators of religious health and vitality today, from the continued popularity of churchgoing in the United States, to the emergence of New Age spirituality in Western Europe, the surge of fundamentalist movements and Islamic parties in the Muslim world, the evangelical revival sweeping through Latin America, and the widespread ethno-religious conflicts in international affairs.

The traditional secularization thesis needs updating.  Religion has not disappeared and is unlikely to do so. Nevertheless, the concept of secularization captures an important part of what is going on.  This book develops a theory of secularization and existential security, building on key elements of traditional sociological theories and revising others.  This book demonstrates that: (1) The publics of virtually all advanced industrial societies have been moving toward more secular orientations during the past fifty years; but (2) The world as a whole now has more people with traditional religious views than ever before-- and they constitute a growing proportion of the world's population.  Though these two propositions may seem contradictory, they are not.  The fact that the first proposition is true, helps account for the second—because secularization has a surprisingly powerful negative impact on human fertility rates.

The critiques of secularization draw their evidence mainly from the United States (which happens to be a strikingly exceptional case) rather than comparing systematic evidence across a broad range of both rich and poor societies.  This book draws on a massive base of new evidence generated by the four waves of the World Values Survey executed from 1981 to 2001 in eighty societies, covering all of the world’s major faiths. Examining religiosity from a broader perspective and in a wider range of countries than ever before, this book demonstrates that religiosity persists most strongly among vulnerable populations, especially those in poorer nations and in failed states, facing personal survival-threatening risks.  Exposure to physical, societal and personal risks drives religiosity. Conversely, a systematic erosion of religious practices, values and beliefs has occurred among the more prosperous strata in rich nations.

Sacred and Secular is essential reading for anyone interested in comparative religion, sociology, public opinion, political behavior, political development, social psychology, international relations, and cultural change.

Contents

Part I: Understanding secularization

1. Introduction: The secularization debate

2. Measuring secularization

3. Comparing secularization

Part II: Case studies of religion and politics

4. The puzzle of the United States and Western Europe

5. A religious revival in post-Communist Europe?

6. Religion and politics in the Islamic world

Part III: The political consequences of secularization

7.  Religion, the Protestant ethic and moral values

8.  Religious organizations and social capital

9.  Religious parties and electoral behavior

10.  Conclusions: Secularization, religiosity, and demographics

Select Bibliography

Technical Appendix

From Kosovo to Kabul, the last decade witnessed growing interest in ‘electoral engineering’.  Reformers have sought to achieve either greater government accountability through majoritarian arrangements or wider parliamentary diversity through proportional formula.  Underlying the normative debates are important claims about the impact and consequences of electoral reform for political representation and voting behavior. This study compares and evaluates two broad schools of thought, each offering contrasting expectations. One popular approach claims that formal rules define the electoral incentives facing parties, politicians, and citizens. By changing the rules, rational choice institutionalism claims that we have the capacity to shape political behavior among politicians and citizens. Reformers believe that electoral engineering can solve multiple social problems, whether by mitigating ethnic conflict, strengthening voter-party bonds, generating democratic accountability, or boosting women’s representation. Alternative cultural modernization theories differ in their emphasis on the primary motors driving human behavior, their expectations about the pace of change, and also their assumptions about the ability of formal institutional rules to alter, rather than adapt to, deeply embedded and habitual social norms and patterns of human behavior.

To consider these issues, this book compares the consequences of electoral rules and cultural modernization for many dimensions of political representation and voting behavior, including patterns of party competition, the strength of social cleavages and party loyalties, levels of turnout, the gender and ethnic diversity of parliaments, and the provision of constituency service. Systematic evidence is drawn the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems based on surveys of parliamentary and presidential contests held in over thirty countries. The study covers elections held from 1996 to 2002 in newer and established democracies ranging from the United States, Australia and Switzerland to Peru, Taiwan and Ukraine.  The book concludes that formal rules do matter, with the social cleavages and partisan identities of voters, and the diversity and behavior of elected representatives, shaped by the incentives generated by majoritarian, combined, and proportional electoral systems.

Contents:

Preface

List of tables and figures

Introduction

1.Do rules matter?

2.Comparing electoral systems

3.Evaluating electoral systems

The consequences for voting behavior

4.Party systems

5.Social cleavages

6.Party loyalties

7.Turnout

The consequences for political representation

8.Women  

9.Ethnic minorities  

10.Constituency service

Conclusions

11.The impact of electoral engineering

Select Bibliography

[ 本帖最后由 wengxiaocn 于 2006-9-24 19:14 编辑 ]

Many women experienced growing equality during the twentieth century in education and work, in marriage and the family, and in public life. Yet the force of this ‘rising tide’ has varied among rich and poor societies around the globe, as well as among younger and older generations.

Rising Tide sets out to understand how modernization has changed cultural attitudes towards gender equality and to analyze the political consequences of this process. The core argument suggests that women and men’s lives have been altered in a two stage modernization process including (i) the shift from agrarian to industrialized societies, reducing fertility rates, bringing women into the paid labor force, and increasing rates of literacy and education and (ii) the move from industrial towards postindustrial societies, generating more substantial gains towards gender equality in the public sphere and workplace. Modernization underpins attitudinal change, although the pace of change is conditioned by the cultural legacy and institutional structure in any given society, including the role of an Islamic heritage and the legacy of Communism. In turn, cultural change lays the basis for the mass mobilization of women’s movements and support for public policies that reinforce, consolidate and accelerate the process of gender equality.

To establish this thesis, the book compares more than seventy nations worldwide, ranging from less-prosperous countries such as India, China, Brazil, Pakistan, Nigeria and Egypt to some of the most affluent nations in the world, including Sweden, the United States and Japan.

After outlining the theoretical framework, the book focuses upon analyzing the four waves of the World Values Surveys covering public opinion from 1981-2001. The book presents the first results of the most recent wave, including some countries never surveyed before by social scientists, such as Iran, Vietnam, Morocco and Zimbabwe. These surveys provide the broadest cross-national data which is currently available, monitoring attitudes towards gender roles in the family, household and workforce; men and women’s civic activism within voluntary organizations, new social movements and political parties; and a wide range of social and political attitudes and values, towards issues such as abortion, homosexuality, prostitution and divorce.

Rising Tide provides the first book systematically comparing the causes and consequences of attitudes towards gender equality across a wide range of nations around the world, including agrarian, industrialized and postindustrial societies.  The scope, range, and coverage means this book will be essential reading for those interested in understanding issues of comparative women and politics, public opinion, political behavior, political development, and political sociology.

Contents

Preface

List of Tables and Figures

Part I: The causes of the rising tide

1. Introduction: Explaining the rising tide of gender equality

2. From traditional roles towards gender equality

3. Religion, secularization and gender equality

Part II: The consequences of the rising tide

4. The gender gap in voting and public opinion

5. Political activism

6. Women as political leaders

7.Conclusions: gender equality and development

Select Bibliography

Technical Appendix

Index

At the very time when electoral democracy has spread around the world, the conventional wisdom suggests that citizens in many countries have become disengaged from the traditional channels of political participation. Commentators highlight common warning signs undermining the three central channels of mass activism, including sagging electoral turnout, rising anti-party sentiment, and the decay of civic organizations. But are these concerns justified? This book is the last of a trilogy considering related facets of this phenomenon. The first, A Virtuous Circle, developed a critique of the media malaise thesis, demonstrating that attention to the news media was positively, not negatively, linked to civic engagement. Digital Divide explored the potential of the Internet for civic engagement, and the way that new opportunities online altered the resources for political competition, facilitating a more level playing field for smaller challengers and opposition movements with technical skills and know-how.

Building upon this foundation, this book compares systematic evidence for electoral turnout, party membership and civic activism in countries around the world and suggests good reasons to question popular assumptions of pervasive decline. Instead, it is suggested, not only is the obituary for older forms of political activism premature, but multiple forms of civic engagement may have emerged in modern societies to supplement traditional modes. Political participation appears to have evolved and diversified over the years, in terms of the agencies (collective organizations), repertoires (the actions commonly used for political expression), and targets (the political actors that participants seek to influence).  The process of societal modernization and rising levels of human capital are primarily responsible for driving these developments, although patterns of participation are also explained by the structure of the state, the role of mobilizing agencies, and social inequalities in resources and attitudes. As a result, contrary to the conventional wisdom, democratic engagement may have been reinvented for modern times, rather than simply atrophied.

The first two chapters set out the reasons underlying these claims and the explanatory framework.  Subsequent chapters review the evidence by comparing patterns of voting turnout, party membership, and civic activism in many countries around the globe as well as over time. The conclusion summarizes the key findings and considers the implications for democracy.

Contents

Preface

List of Tables & Figures

Introduction:

1.The Decline and Fall of Civic Activism?

2.Theories of Political Participation

I. The Puzzle of Electoral Turnout

3.Mapping Turnout

4.Do Institutions Matter?

5.Who Votes?

II: Political Parties

6.Mapping Party Activism

7.Who Joins?

III: Social Capital and Civic Society

8.Civic Society & Social Capital

9.Traditional Mobilizing Agencies: Unions and Churches

10.New Social Movements,  Protest Politics and the Internet

Conclusions:

12.From Loyalties to Choice?

Bibliography

Appendix A

Index

[ 本帖最后由 wengxiaocn 于 2006-9-24 19:27 编辑 ]

上进，脱离低级趣味，有益于人民

support!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

不过这个可能不太容易懂，专业性太强，嘿嘿。但绝对是好东西~~~~

oh my god, my head's gonna explode!!

有没有数学图书馆？

引用:

原帖由 beyond乐与怒 于 2006-9-25 15:47 发表
有没有数学图书馆？

beyond, 我找了个链接，你看看如何，是数学和统计版的

http://bbs.taisha.org/thread-436173-1-1.html

[ 本帖最后由 wengxiaocn 于 2006-9-25 18:26 编辑 ]

政治 还是英文的~
我绝对能睡着了~

顶一个！！

打下几页来，晚上失眠的时候，看看

帮助尽早进入睡眠

搂主辛苦了， 好贴。     绝对支持！

你，好人。圣诞快乐

楼主实在太可爱了！！！强烈支持！！